From Archive: August 22 2009
“With the
replacement of dominant party system of India, minority or coalition
governments at centre have become the order of the day. Yet instability apart,
coalition of governments has been affective in enhancing democratic legitimacy,
representation and national unity. Major policy shifts like neoliberal economic
reforms and grass root decentralization, in theory or practice, are largely
attributable to the onset of federal coalitional governance. Coalition
governments in the state and at the centre have also facilitated gradual
transition of the Marxist-left and Hindu-right into the political
establishment, and thus contributed to the integration of the party system as
well as the nation. The same major national parties which initially rejected
the idea of coalition politics have today accepted it and are maturing into
skilled and virtuous performers at the game’’.
India has entered the era of
coalition politics. It appears that the coalition governments will become a
natural phenomenon in the years to come. With the diminishing of single party
dominance, the importance of coalition governments have become almost inevitable
be at centre or states.
Since
coalition Govt. in India is in transition phase or has not reached its
maturity, so its definition is somewhat exhaustive and may include something
more. Coalition government is an arrangement for the postponement of an
unwanted election. It is a European concept. Coalition basically can be called
as consensus politics or colligate style of functioning. Furthermore, it is
also an alliance between two or more parties which are separate or even hostile
to carry on the government and share principle offices of the state.
Even with the absence of two party systems in
India, the British model worked fairly well in the era of one party domination
because congress could always command the majority in Lok Sabha. It seems that
age is now over and we may be witnessing the dawn of era of hung parliaments
and coalition governments. In any case, we must assume that the prospect of a
“hung” parliament in future remains a real one. This may pose many problems for
the president, since it may no longer be obvious who should be appointed prime
minister and a number of political combinations may be possible for the
president. How then is a government to be formed in such circumstances and more
particularly how to know out of various possible combinations is the president
to decide who should be given the first opportunity to form a government?
A political party
supporting a minority government from outside is not a new phenomenon in India.
The Indra Gandhi government during 1969-71, the Charan Singh Government, the VP
Singh Government and the Chandrasekhar governments were all minority Governments
supported from outside.
One defining feature before 1927 in India was
that India had one potential enemy .i.e. British and other challenges to the
country were of secondary importance. So all energy of nation and peoples
conscious was awakened by congress to get out of colonial yoke. Indian national
congress was itself a coalition organization representing different
ideological, ethnical, and religious groups. But the appeal of congress after
1947 got shortened which resulted in the end of its monopoly in 1989 when the
first coalition government was established under V.P. Singh. So it may be
called as an enemy within the nation for the congress party after 1947.
After
1947, post colonial structure in India, which consisted of:
(a) State (b) economy) (c) civil society
resulted in a triangular system which generated consciousness into different
spheres of society. So there was a demand for different new things from
different people or section’s of society. Which no single political party could
claim to fulfill wholly. So no political party could claim to be representative
of whole nation. So it also necessitated the coalition form of govt.
In the 1998 election
study, poll Wallace had identified “three major strands” that defined the vote
for the 12th Lok Sabha: a new respectability for the hindutva, the
emergence of regional parties as the new balancing force in the national
coalition politics, and the weaponisation of the nuclear capacity. A year later
the electorate found itself having to vote once again in a national election.
In this study of the 1999 election, the first and third themes pretty much fade
away, while the entire focus gets narrowed down to regional parties at the
national stage. Formation of coalition governments reflects the transition in
Indian politics away from the national parties toward smaller, more
narrowly-based regional parties. This process has been underway throughout much
of the past decayed and is likely to continue in the future.
A common fallacy that is related to the
convection that India’s polity is essentially bipolar is the nation that the
decline of the congress and the rise of the BJP bear almost a one-to-one
correspondence. The rise of the BJP is seen as a process of the party occupying
the centrist political space vacated by the congress. Though this view point is
common, the reality is far more complicated. It is true that the period
witnessed the fastest growth of the BJP as an electoral force has coincided
with the phase of the most rapid decline of the congress-that is perhaps why
the two phenomena are seen as correlated. However, what such a view point misses
is the fact that in areas where the congress has been almost completely
marginalized, it has been displaced not so much by the BJP as the smaller
regional parties.
If we look at the period between the
late-1960s and the mid-1980s, there were already signs of the congress
losing ground gradually to regional parties. The most obvious example would be
Tamil Nadu, where the congress has today little choice but to align with one or
the other of the two main Dravidian parties in the State-the DMK or the AIADMK.
But Tamil Nadu is not the only example. Andhra Pradesh and Maharashtra,
traditional strongholds of the congress, witnessed similar trends even if the
process did not lead to the complete marginalization of the congress, In Andhra
Pradesh, the Telugu Desam Party rose form almost nowhere to become a powerful
challenge to the congress in the mid-1980s to the congress in the mid-1980s and
has remained the main contender for power with the congress. Similarly, in
Maharashtra it was the rise of the Shiv Sena rather than the BJP, which first
raised questions about just how firm the congress grip on power I the state
was. In other words, the decline of the congress has not automatically resulted
in the rise of the BJP, put differently; the political tussle between the two
largest political parties in India has not been the zero sum game in which the
looses of one inevitable results in the other gaining by filling a so-called
political vacuum.
It is this resentment, DR. Kaviraj
suggests, that has been trapped by various political groups leading to the
fragmentation of the polity. He also argues that the resentment against the
elite extends to a rejection of all that the elite stood for, including the
notion of the Indian identity over-riding sub-national identities. He writes:
“since these elite speaks the language of national integration and unity, the
later (movements of non-elite) speaks the negative language of localism,
regional autonomy, small-scale nationalism, in dystopias of ethnicy-small
xenophobic, homogeneous, political communities.
The TDP, for instance, appeals to the
Telugu identity across Andhra Pradesh. Clearly, it is not the case that all
Telugus have been left out of the development process. Similar, nobody can
seriously argue that the Shiv Sena’s appeal to a Maharashtra identity arises
from the feeling that all of Maharashtra has been denied the benefits of
economic growth. Obviously, it has been possible for such parties as the TDP
and the Shiv Sena to use the resentment of specific sections of those speaking
telgu and Marathi and channel it along lines of their choosing.
The process of social stratification and caste and minorities
consolidation has strengthened diverse political formations. The RJD and SP
will continue to attract OBC and minorities support as the BSP will continue to
consolidate the Dalits in up and Bihar, the upper castes will continue to back the
BJP. Regional parties like Alkali Dal, National Conference, DMK, AIADMK, Shiv- Sina,
telgu Desam, Lok Shakti and myriad parties in the north east will continue to
play a significant role. As will the left which is a major regional force in
west Bengal, Kerala and Tripura. All this will ensure the continuation of
coalition politics.
Some critics
consider this a bad thing, a sign of political instability which will bedevil India’s
growth prospects. This is misguided. Coalition politics will militate against
authoritarian tendencies revealed during the emergencies and the
unaccountability of ruling parties. Today’s diverse parties represent diverse
social interests and groups, and the diversification of political power is
symptomatic of democratization. Diverse coalition by the logic of its
representation will be accountable to diverse interests including those not
earlier represented in political power. This makes coalition more democratic
than less representative single ruling parties.
Coalition politics has generated certain new
political formulations in Indian politics like party support from outside being
in the coalition but outside the government and inside the coalition and inside
the government and inside the coalition and outside the government at the time
performing the role of opposition. Further, as never before, regional parties
are playing crucial role at the central level. Regional parties have
strengthened their importance so much so that it is now impossible for any
national party to form a government at central level without the support of
regional parties. Thus one or more national parties have to make alliance with
regional political parties of similar thinking to consolidate the voters and
get power. These alliances are becoming more representative and the number of
partners is also increasing.
The problem
lies in the weakness of a coalition culture such a culture is strong in several
states, notably in Karalla where two coalitions have long contended for power,
and in west Bengal where the left front coalition has ruled for decades. A
coalition culture will have to be developed and strengthened; leading political
parties will be constrained to contribute to this to survive in power. Both BJP
and congress have learnt now substantially a part of coalition government. So,
contrary to the prophets of boom, coalition politics can be concomitant of the
country’s progress. Given current political realities it have to be. Moreover,
looking the verdict of recent parliamentary elections it seems that India is
now becoming mature vis-à-vis norms of coalition politics is concerned. Therefore,
it would not be unrealistic to articulate that in years to come India would
enter into stable coalition politics as we have already seen the successful be
it previous NDA or UPA IST.
Impact of coalitions:
1.
There
is increase in discretionary powers of the head of the heads of state, i.e.
Governor at state level and President at central level.
2.
The
executive functions of both PM and CM have become a subject of great
constraints both in the cabinet and legislature which resulted in their weak
position.
3.
Decision
making has become complicated.
4.
Speakers
post has gained much importance.
5.
Problem
of instability remains always there.
6.
Politics
of opportunism and corruption has widened. Ramsay Mc Donald has rightly said
that, “coalitions are dishonest”.
7.
Power
of bureaucracy, mass media and interest groups has increased.
8.
Ideology
has taken the back seat or there has been de-ideologisation.
REFERENCES:
1. Wikipedia-The free encyclopedia,
"politics of india".
2. Myron Weiner, (ed)-state politics
in india, princeton university press, 1968.
3. Mathew george (ed)-shift in indian
politics, concept publications, new delhi, 1984.
4. "Coalitions politics in
india"-Dr. R.D.Boddamani, third concept, sept. 2007.
5. Mahandra prasad singh and anil
mishra-"coalition politics in india:problems and prospects",manohar
publications, new delhi, 2004.
6.Coalition politics in india, madhu
dandravate, politics india, Feb. , 1997.
