Coalition Governments in India: Precepts and Prospects.

From Archive: August 22 2009

            
 “With the replacement of dominant party system of India, minority or coalition governments at centre have become the order of the day. Yet instability apart, coalition of governments has been affective in enhancing democratic legitimacy, representation and national unity. Major policy shifts like neoliberal economic reforms and grass root decentralization, in theory or practice, are largely attributable to the onset of federal coalitional governance. Coalition governments in the state and at the centre have also facilitated gradual transition of the Marxist-left and Hindu-right into the political establishment, and thus contributed to the integration of the party system as well as the nation. The same major national parties which initially rejected the idea of coalition politics have today accepted it and are maturing into skilled and virtuous performers at the game’’.

India has entered the era of coalition politics. It appears that the coalition governments will become a natural phenomenon in the years to come. With the diminishing of single party dominance, the importance of coalition governments have become almost inevitable be at centre or states.

         Since coalition Govt. in India is in transition phase or has not reached its maturity, so its definition is somewhat exhaustive and may include something more. Coalition government is an arrangement for the postponement of an unwanted election. It is a European concept. Coalition basically can be called as consensus politics or colligate style of functioning. Furthermore, it is also an alliance between two or more parties which are separate or even hostile to carry on the government and share principle offices of the state.   

            Even with the absence of two party systems in India, the British model worked fairly well in the era of one party domination because congress could always command the majority in Lok Sabha. It seems that age is now over and we may be witnessing the dawn of era of hung parliaments and coalition governments. In any case, we must assume that the prospect of a “hung” parliament in future remains a real one. This may pose many problems for the president, since it may no longer be obvious who should be appointed prime minister and a number of political combinations may be possible for the president. How then is a government to be formed in such circumstances and more particularly how to know out of various possible combinations is the president to decide who should be given the first opportunity to form a government?

     A political party supporting a minority government from outside is not a new phenomenon in India. The Indra Gandhi government during 1969-71, the Charan Singh Government, the VP Singh Government and the Chandrasekhar governments were all minority Governments supported from outside.

                   One defining feature before 1927 in India was that India had one potential enemy .i.e. British and other challenges to the country were of secondary importance. So all energy of nation and peoples conscious was awakened by congress to get out of colonial yoke. Indian national congress was itself a coalition organization representing different ideological, ethnical, and religious groups. But the appeal of congress after 1947 got shortened which resulted in the end of its monopoly in 1989 when the first coalition government was established under V.P. Singh. So it may be called as an enemy within the nation for the congress party after 1947.

             After 1947, post colonial structure in India, which consisted of:

(a)     State (b) economy) (c) civil society resulted in a triangular system which generated consciousness into different spheres of society. So there was a demand for different new things from different people or section’s of society. Which no single political party could claim to fulfill wholly. So no political party could claim to be representative of whole nation. So it also necessitated the coalition form of govt.

   In the 1998 election study, poll Wallace had identified “three major strands” that defined the vote for the 12^th Lok Sabha: a new respectability for the hindutva, the emergence of regional parties as the new balancing force in the national coalition politics, and the weaponisation of the nuclear capacity. A year later the electorate found itself having to vote once again in a national election. In this study of the 1999 election, the first and third themes pretty much fade away, while the entire focus gets narrowed down to regional parties at the national stage. Formation of coalition governments reflects the transition in Indian politics away from the national parties toward smaller, more narrowly-based regional parties. This process has been underway throughout much of the past decayed and is likely to continue in the future.

               A common fallacy that is related to the convection that India’s polity is essentially bipolar is the nation that the decline of the congress and the rise of the BJP bear almost a one-to-one correspondence. The rise of the BJP is seen as a process of the party occupying the centrist political space vacated by the congress. Though this view point is common, the reality is far more complicated. It is true that the period witnessed the fastest growth of the BJP as an electoral force has coincided with the phase of the most rapid decline of the congress-that is perhaps why the two phenomena are seen as correlated. However, what such a view point misses is the fact that in areas where the congress has been almost completely marginalized, it has been displaced not so much by the BJP as the smaller regional parties.

                If we look at the period between the late-1960s and the mid-1980s, there were already signs of the congress losing ground gradually to regional parties. The most obvious example would be Tamil Nadu, where the congress has today little choice but to align with one or the other of the two main Dravidian parties in the State-the DMK or the AIADMK. But Tamil Nadu is not the only example. Andhra Pradesh and Maharashtra, traditional strongholds of the congress, witnessed similar trends even if the process did not lead to the complete marginalization of the congress, In Andhra Pradesh, the Telugu Desam Party rose form almost nowhere to become a powerful challenge to the congress in the mid-1980s to the congress in the mid-1980s and has remained the main contender for power with the congress. Similarly, in Maharashtra it was the rise of the Shiv Sena rather than the BJP, which first raised questions about just how firm the congress grip on power I the state was. In other words, the decline of the congress has not automatically resulted in the rise of the BJP, put differently; the political tussle between the two largest political parties in India has not been the zero sum game in which the looses of one inevitable results in the other gaining by filling a so-called political vacuum.

           It is this resentment, DR. Kaviraj suggests, that has been trapped by various political groups leading to the fragmentation of the polity. He also argues that the resentment against the elite extends to a rejection of all that the elite stood for, including the notion of the Indian identity over-riding sub-national identities. He writes: “since these elite speaks the language of national integration and unity, the later (movements of non-elite) speaks the negative language of localism, regional autonomy, small-scale nationalism, in dystopias of ethnicy-small xenophobic, homogeneous, political communities.

    The TDP, for instance, appeals to the Telugu identity across Andhra Pradesh. Clearly, it is not the case that all Telugus have been left out of the development process. Similar, nobody can seriously argue that the Shiv Sena’s appeal to a Maharashtra identity arises from the feeling that all of Maharashtra has been denied the benefits of economic growth. Obviously, it has been possible for such parties as the TDP and the Shiv Sena to use the resentment of specific sections of those speaking telgu and Marathi and channel it along lines of their choosing.

                          The process of social stratification and caste and minorities consolidation has strengthened diverse political formations. The RJD and SP will continue to attract OBC and minorities support as the BSP will continue to consolidate the Dalits in up and Bihar, the upper castes will continue to back the BJP. Regional parties like Alkali Dal, National Conference, DMK, AIADMK, Shiv- Sina, telgu Desam, Lok Shakti and myriad parties in the north east will continue to play a significant role. As will the left which is a major regional force in west Bengal, Kerala and Tripura. All this will ensure the continuation of coalition politics.

       Some critics consider this a bad thing, a sign of political instability which will bedevil India’s growth prospects. This is misguided. Coalition politics will militate against authoritarian tendencies revealed during the emergencies and the unaccountability of ruling parties. Today’s diverse parties represent diverse social interests and groups, and the diversification of political power is symptomatic of democratization. Diverse coalition by the logic of its representation will be accountable to diverse interests including those not earlier represented in political power. This makes coalition more democratic than less representative single ruling parties.              

 Coalition politics has generated certain new political formulations in Indian politics like party support from outside being in the coalition but outside the government and inside the coalition and inside the government and inside the coalition and outside the government at the time performing the role of opposition. Further, as never before, regional parties are playing crucial role at the central level. Regional parties have strengthened their importance so much so that it is now impossible for any national party to form a government at central level without the support of regional parties. Thus one or more national parties have to make alliance with regional political parties of similar thinking to consolidate the voters and get power. These alliances are becoming more representative and the number of partners is also increasing.

            The problem lies in the weakness of a coalition culture such a culture is strong in several states, notably in Karalla where two coalitions have long contended for power, and in west Bengal where the left front coalition has ruled for decades. A coalition culture will have to be developed and strengthened; leading political parties will be constrained to contribute to this to survive in power. Both BJP and congress have learnt now substantially a part of coalition government. So, contrary to the prophets of boom, coalition politics can be concomitant of the country’s progress. Given current political realities it have to be. Moreover, looking the verdict of recent parliamentary elections it seems that India is now becoming mature vis-à-vis norms of coalition politics is concerned. Therefore, it would not be unrealistic to articulate that in years to come India would enter into stable coalition politics as we have already seen the successful be it previous NDA or UPA IST.  

Impact of coalitions:

1.    There is increase in discretionary powers of the head of the heads of state, i.e. Governor at state level and President at central level.

2.    The executive functions of both PM and CM have become a subject of great constraints both in the cabinet and legislature which resulted in their weak position.

3.    Decision making has become complicated.

4.    Speakers post has gained much importance.

5.    Problem of instability remains always there.

6.    Politics of opportunism and corruption has widened. Ramsay Mc Donald has rightly said that, “coalitions are dishonest”.

7.    Power of bureaucracy, mass media and interest groups has increased.

8.    Ideology has taken the back seat or there has been de-ideologisation.

REFERENCES:

1. Wikipedia-The free encyclopedia, "politics of india".

2. Myron Weiner, (ed)-state politics in india, princeton university press, 1968.

3. Mathew george (ed)-shift in indian politics, concept publications, new delhi, 1984.

4. "Coalitions politics in india"-Dr. R.D.Boddamani, third concept, sept. 2007.

5. Mahandra prasad singh and anil mishra-"coalition politics in india:problems and prospects",manohar publications, new delhi, 2004.

6.Coalition politics in india, madhu dandravate, politics india, Feb. , 1997.